During the election
campaign, François Hollande promised that he would install a parity government,
although he added “which is not to say that [women] will have the same
responsibilities”. How true this turned
out to be. He honoured his promise of a
parity government, with 50% (9/18) of the members of cabinet being women, and
50% (17/34) of the government being women after all other members were
added. That’s a first for France, and
for this reason alone, this is a landmark event for women in French politics
that is worthy of celebration. He also
honoured his promise to reinstate a women’s ministry, with its newly appointed
minister, Najat Vallaud-Belkacem, holding a cabinet portfolio. However, women should not be popping the
champagne corks just yet.
Why not? The answer lies in the rather meagre status
accorded to women in the government, compared to men. The top job – that of Prime Minister – was sought
after by many people, but one of the most credible contenders was Martine
Aubry. As leader of the party, an
experienced former minister, the narrow loser in the presidential primary race,
the most popular candidate (by a significant margin) in opinion polls, and
someone who could rally support from the sections of the party that are not in
Hollande’s camp, she would have made a formidable ally. However, Hollande overlooked her in favour of
Jean-Marc Ayrault, a much less well-known loyalist who could be relied upon to
offer faithful support to the president without risk of upstaging him. Having been snubbed for the top job, Aubry
decided that she did not wish to play second fiddle yet again, with the
consequence that she is not in the government at all. Her political future now looks uncertain;
even if she remains as party leader, this position is much less powerful at a
time when her party holds the presidency and the government. She has said that she will not seek
re-election in October; but as she is not a candidate in the legislative
elections, she risks going from being the most senior woman in the party to
being just a local politician (mayor of Lille).
Sidelining her instead of giving her a prominent post was an unfortunate
result for Hollande, for women and thus for France.
Nor is Ségolène Royal
in the government, although she has long been tipped to become the next
president of the French parliament – the equivalent of the Speaker. Such a position will depend, of course, on a
Socialist victory in the forthcoming legislative elections in June.
Without
Aubry or Royal, it was left to the big boys in the party to fight it out for
the top jobs. All the rumours prior to
the announcement of the government focused on male contenders. In the end, men got almost a clean sweep of the
top posts. Of the most prestigious and
coveted posts, all but one went to men, including the ministries of the
Interior, Finance, Foreign Affairs, Defence, Work and Employment, and
Industry. Men also picked up portfolios
in Education, Agriculture and Overseas Relations. The only remaining top job – that of Justice –
went to Christiane Taubira. She is a
deputy from the overseas territory of French Guyana, and stood as a candidate
in the 2002 presidential election for the Radical Left Party (Parti Radical du
Gauche). She is widely considered to be
a surprise choice for this position, as she has not held a high profile in
recent years and was not a key figure in the presidential campaign. However, the practice of selecting less
prominent women for key posts is very well-established. The “fait du prince”, whereby the male
president “gifts” a government post to a less powerful woman, is a way for the
president to look progressive while ensuring that his female protégée cannot
become too powerful and challenge his authority. While Taubira is hardly powerless, she is
less of a political heavyweight and has less autonomy than someone like Aubry,
and is more in keeping with previous appointments of female outsiders.
As
for the other women, what did they get?
The picture is rather disappointing.
Women got nearly all the stereotypically “feminine” portfolios that are
less prominent and prestigious, including (in the Cabinet) Social Affairs &
Health, Culture & Communication, Higher Education, the Environment,
Decentralisation, Women’s Ministry, Housing and the Regions, and Sport &
Youth. This very gendered distribution
of government portfolios mirrors the sharp gender divide in parliamentary
committees, where women are heavily over-represented on the committees for
Social Affairs (including health) and Cultural Affairs (including education),
and almost absent from the committees on Finance, Foreign Affairs and
Defence. It would seem that place can be
made for women only if women remember their place – in the “social” portfolios.
In
the wider government, a similar picture emerges. Men got Budget, European Affairs, Cities,
Parliamentary Relations, Economic Solidarity, Transport, Development, and Veterans. Women got junior posts in the ministries of
Education and Justice, along with Senior Citizens, Family, Disabled People, and
the less gendered posts of Commerce, Innovation and Expatriates. Giving all the caring roles to women seems
nothing short of a cliché. The women
holding these posts include Marisol Touraine (Social Affairs), a two-term deputy
whom I interviewed last year as part of my ongoing study of gender in the
French parliament and who has worked for a long time on social affairs;
Marylise Lebranchu (Decentralisation), one of the most senior figures in the previous
Socialist government (1997-2002) and the first woman to hold the position of
Justice Minister (which has since also been held by Rachida Dati); Cécile
Duflot (Housing and the Regions), the outgoing leader of the Green party but
still a relatively young up-and-comer; Nicole Bricq (Environment), a relatively
low-profile Senator who cut her teeth in the male-dominated Senate finance committee; Aurélie Filipetti Culture), who first cut her teeth in the
campaign for Ségolène Royal in 2007 and, like Duflot, is still in her 30s; Najat
Vallaud-Belkacem (Women), even younger at 34 and with limited political
experience, though she symbolises diversity given her Moroccan heritage; Geneviève
Fioraso (Higher Education), 57 years old, a one-term MP and also rather low
profile; and Valérie Fourneyron (Sport and Youth), MP, mayor of Rouen and
doctor specialising in sport who seems very well qualified for her portfolio.
It
should be borne in mind that only four of the 34 new members of government have
prior government experience, including Marylise Lebranchu. Even Hollande and Ayrault, the president and
prime minister, have no prior ministerial experience. The Socialists’ re-entry into power after a
long period of exile affords an opportunity for more junior people to emerge,
as was the case in the UK with New Labour in 1997. The fact that some of the new women ministers
are relatively inexperienced is therefore not a handicap, making this the ideal
time for women to enter the government in large numbers.
So
how does the new government compare to its predecessors? It has more women than ever before. Sarkozy also promised a parity government,
but did not really deliver. However,
with 7 women out of 15 members of cabinet, and women comprising a third of the
government overall, his first government did better than any of its
predecessors. The Jospin government
(1997-2002) and the first Fillon government (under Sarkozy) also boasted a
number of women in key positions, including, at various times, Justice,
Finance, Foreign Affairs and Defence.
However, the number and profile of women declined in successive
governments under Fillon. The boost of
women today is therefore to be welcomed, but it is regrettable that the
portfolios accorded to women are less high profile and prestigious than those
seen in previous governments, with old-fashioned stereotypes re-emerging. Two steps forward, one step back. It can only be hoped that some of the younger
women who have been given their big break within this government will go on to
become the key players of the future – with one of them potentially becoming
France’s first female president.
Thanks very much for the very interesting post. It seems that the idea that women have been included and marginalised at the same time is borne out by the available data on ministerial importance:
ReplyDeletehttp://conorlittle.wordpress.com/2012/05/17/brought-in-from-the-cold-or-marginalised-women-in-the-hollandeayrault-cabinet/